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State Rep. Mike Carter is loyal to his constituents, his conservative ideals and his conscience, and, what's more, he likes his job. Carter's mixed loyalties, he admits, sometimes cause his fellow legislators to wonder "where I'm going to end up on a bill.


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For more information visit our voter guide at timesfreepress. Doing the right thing is not always the politically correct thing. Carter, while in Nashville, has helped pass an annexation bill that others had attempted for 38 years. In the most recent session, he steered the state toward ending emissions testing an end he said would be "life-altering for the less fortunate" , sponsored Supported Decision Making legislation helping people with disabilities make as many decisions as possible about their lives , sponsored the Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act preventing the innocent from losing property when a crime is committed and sponsored legislation that will help stop batterers from filing frivolous lawsuits designed to bankrupt or inflict additional harm on people they already have abused.

Tennessee Rep. Mike Carter (R)

Further, he sponsored a bill that streamlined the adoption process in Tennessee and one that banned most underage marriages in the state. The passage of so many consequential bills would a career for some but was just a season for Carter.

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I was travelling in the footsteps of a march against unemployment that my late father had helped to organise. In that year, Tory policies had devastated industry and sent unemployment skyrocketing. In , Tory austerity was putting the final nail in the coffin of those broken communities.

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Even so, on my walk I was shocked by the level of poverty, by the sheer number of homeless people in doorways and parks, and by the high streets of boarded-up shops and pubs, full of payday loan outlets and bookies. People in those former industrial towns spoke of their anger and betrayal, of having being forgotten by Westminster politicians, of their communities having been destroyed as the manufacturing that had sustained them either folded or moved to low-wage economies.

Nearly everyone I spoke to in those towns said they were going to vote for Brexit. But the EU issue was, for a majority, a proxy for their pain.

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There was a brief moment when it appeared the Conservatives grasped this. But since then we have had a government paralysed by Brexit, effectively not governing at all. We have ongoing crises in most aspects of public policy: housing, transport, prisons, the benefits system, health, education. Homelessness is rocketing , as is food bank use.

In some areas of our inner cities, Dickensian diseases such as rickets and beriberi have re-emerged. At a time when politicians should be reaching out to leave voters with concrete proposals for rebalancing our economy, heavily based as it is on services and centred in the south-east, we get a continuation of turbo-charged austerity. In their call for a second referendum, remainers should ask themselves whether the anger that drove the result in June has been even remotely addressed.

That anger has long, deep roots. On my walk, I spoke to estate agents who told me that buy-to-letters from wealthier areas were scooping up whole rows of houses, paying cash and pricing out locals. In only 8, jobs were left.

Bet, like most betting companies, relies on poorer people to generate a significant portion of its income. That emasculation of local government has turned our country into one of the most centralised in the western world.

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People can no longer expect the services they pay for to be run in their interest, rather than the interest of shareholders. On I walked, past privatised parks, closed libraries and museums; past a junior school outside which a sign asked parents for donations to make up its budget shortfall.

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But that might make the economy even more precarious, I said. He paused for a moment, narrowed his eyes. It is a model that other councils are investigating.